AbstractAlong with the industrialization of industry, new classes of capitalist society began to appear in the social structure of Russia, the political ambitions of the bourgeoisie and the social role of the working class are growing. The nobles held key positions in central and local government bodies belonging to a large land fund. The clergy did not pay taxes, did not carry military service; the church had significant property (land and real estate), and the clergy ideologically served the autocracy and controlled the moral state of society. Thus, Russian society was dispersed: highly educated strata – the intelligentsia, part of the landowners (in the minority) – could not overcome the cultural gap with the so-called “nation” (majority). Growing discontent with the general situation in the country and with the rule of Alexander II led to his murder, and then, as a result, to the Revolution.IntroductionFebruary 23, 1917 at the Putilov plant began a strike which involved ninety thousand people. Gradually, the strike captured the main plants of Petrograd and on Saturday, February 28 already struck two hundred forty thousand people. The strikes were caused by the threat of lockout, the deterioration in the supply of people by bread, falling real living standards. It was a spontaneous explosion of dissatisfaction as a result of the accumulation of social problems.Neither the opposition parties nor the government circles were ready for such developments. Attempts by the police at the command of the King to suppress the speeches of the workers only aggravated the situation. Attracting troops for punitive operations has caused resentment among soldiers. On February 27, soldiers of the Volyn regiment refused to shoot at the demonstrators and crossed to their side. The news about this flew over the capital. The Volyn regiment was supported by the Preobrazhensky and Moscow regiments. Garrison Petrograd turned to the side of the insurgent people. On February 28, the resistance of the government forces was broken, the rebels seized key points of the city. According to the capital’s example, similar events took place in Moscow. While revolutionary events unfolded on the streets of the city, political party leaders formed political structures to take over power. Almost simultaneously two centers that tried to become the head of the revolution were formed (Kochan). On February 27, a group of workers, Mensheviks, anarchists, and leaders of other opposition parties formed the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet, which urged the workers to elect delegates to the Council. On the same day, the first meeting was attended by one hundred twenty delegates. The leadership of the Council, headed by the Menshevik M. Chxeidze, was elected (Kochan). After some time several representatives of the Bolsheviks were co-opted to the executive committee. On the same day, the State Duma Committee formed the deputies of the State Duma, who did not obey the King’s order to suspend work. The main role in it was played by the Cadets, who immediately announced that they took power into their hands and offered Nicholas II to abdicate. The requirement of the Committee was supported by a General headed by General Alekseyev. The victory of the Revolution depended on the direction on which the army would move, and the Rada immediately fought for influence on the garrison troops. In order to secure its leading position, the Petrograd Council has adopted a number of decisions (Shukman). Amnesty was proclaimed to political prisoners; restored all political rights and freedoms limited in time of war; the decision was made on the necessity of conducting elections to the Constituent Assembly; introduced self-government in the army and election of (Kochan) commanders.Meanwhile, the leaders of the Committee were busy with the problem of preserving the monarchy. They convinced the emperor of the need to voluntarily abandon the throne in favor of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich. On March 2, Emperor Nicholas II announced the decision to abdicate the throne for himself and for his son. The text of the manifesto was signed on March 3, 1917. Nicholas II had to leave with his family and go to England, but on March 7 he was arrested (Montefiore). On the night of 1st to 2nd March, a secret meeting of representatives of the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma took place, in which it was decided to form the Provisional Revolutionary Government. On March 1917, in the morning newspapers, was published an Appeal in which the proclamation of the formation of the Provisional Government was published, with a list of its composition, and a program of actions which included a full and immediate amnesty, political rights and freedoms for all citizens, the abolition of all caste and national restrictions, work on the organization and conduct of direct, equal, secret, general elections to the Constituent Assembly, the deployment of elections to local self-government bodies, the prohibition of the withdrawal from the capital of military units that participated in the revolutionary ¬†events (Shukman). The government, mainly consisting of cadets and representatives of other right parties, was headed by a large landowner, Prince G. E. Lvov. An important role in the government was played by P. M. Milyukov, who took the post of Minister for Foreign (Shukman) Affairs.Giving approval to the formation of the Provisional Government and the transfer of authority to it, the Petrograd Soviet retained the right to uphold the government’s policy to the extent that it would contribute to the Revolution. At noon, there was a secret meeting of the members of the Government with Grand Duke Mikhail Romanov (Shukman). Discussed the issue of the proclamation of his emperor. Yet, Michael abandoned the crown, passing all the power of the Provisional Government. Thus, the monarchy in Russia ceased to exist. The formation of councils and the Provisional Government created a situation called “dual power” (Shukman). After all, the power of the workers and soldiers was personified in the councils, and the authorities of the liberal intelligentsia, industrialists, part of the landowners personified the Provisional Government (Wilde). The authorities concentrated in the hands of two governing bodies, whose attitude towards each other was controversial and ranged from rivalry to cooperation. The reasons for the existence of dual power were the spontaneity of a social explosion, the non-organization of political parties for taking power, the disparity between the actions of political parties, both right and left, in the camp (Wilde). The historical significance of dual power consisted in the fact that in Russia there was the possibility of a peaceful transition from autocracy to a democratic republican system in providing a broad democracy for the people. The overthrow of the monarchy and the proclamation of democratic rights and freedoms, and, accordingly, the solution of the national task of the revolution led to a split in the revolutionary movement: for one, the revolution was over (right and liberals), and for others, it only began (socialists) (Shukman). The domination of the socialist parties in political life has determined the fate of the revolution. In the country a sharp political struggle broke out.In the country, the socio-economic situation was very tense. The people demanded reforms and the end of the war. In June 1917, a wave of protest demonstrations swept across the country, and especially in the capital. There was a new government crisis. This time it managed to distract, organizing an offensive on the front. However, this did not solve the problem, but only postponed it. The failure of the attack has caused aggravation of the political situation, which tried to use the Cadets to rid the government of custody of the councils and the Bolsheviks who tried to get into power. From March to November 1917, there were closed eight hundred enterprises, one hundred seventy thousand people became unemployed. Real wages have decreased by half since 1913 (Wilde). The arrears of the country amounted to sixteen billion gold rubles. The deterioration of the situation led to an increase in dissatisfaction with the government’s policy. The strike struggle unfolded. The peasant movement was widespread. In the autumn, he covered 9/10 of the counties of the European part of Russia. On October 25, the II Congress of Workers ‘and Soldiers’ Deputies began work. Among the six hundred forty-nine delegates of the Bolshevik Congress, there were three hundred ninety (Wilde). Although some delegates of the congress advocated a peaceful resolution of the issue of power and were against an armed uprising, the PSC detachments arrested the Provisional Government at about 2:00 pm on October 26. At the evening session of the congress, Lenin and offered delegates a Decree on Peace and a Decree on Land (Wilde). The decree on peace proclaimed an immediate armistice on the front with Germany, the beginning of negotiations with the belligerents, making peace without annexations and indemnities.As for Alexander II, as King, he did much for Russia’s liberalization and modernization, including the abolition of serfdom in 1861 (This Day in History). However, when his authority was challenged, he became repressive, and he vehemently opposed the movements for political reforms. Ironically, on the same day he was killed, he signed a proclamation – the so-called Loris-Melikov constitution – which would create two legislative commissions consisting of indirectly elected representatives.ConclusionThe son of Alexander II and his son, in turn (Nicholas II), reacted to the reform, not only stopping it but also began counter-reform of a centralized, autocratic government. The Tsar in 1917 – Nicholas II – was sometimes accused of lack of will to power. Some historians have concluded that this is not so; the problem was that Nicholas was determined to govern, having no idea or ability to control the autocracy properly. The fact that Nicholas’s answer to the crises facing the Russian regime – and his father’s answer – was to look back at the seventeenth century and try to revive the system of the late Middle Ages, instead of reforming and modernizing Russia, was a severe problem. It was a source of discontent which led to the Revolution.Works CitedKochan, Lionel. “The Russian Revolution.” New York: Wayland (Publishers) Ltd., 1971. Web. 25 Jan. 2018.Shukman, Harold. “The Russian Revolution.” Great Britain: Guernsey Press Company Limited, 1998. Web. 25 Jan. 2018.This Day in History. “Czar Alexander II assassinated,” 2010. Web. 25 Jan. 2018.Wilde, Robert. “Causes of the Russian Revolution,” History & Culture, 2017. Web. 25 Jan. 2018.Montefiore, Simon Sebag. “The Romanovs:1613-1918.” New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2016. Web. 25 Jan. 2018.